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PENANGGULANGAN KORUPSI DALAM PERSPEKTIF HUKUM
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| Pengarang | : | Pieris John |
| Nama Majalah/Jurnal | : | Bina Darma |
| Volume / Edisi | : | 11-42 (No. 42) |
| Halaman | : | 47-55 |
| Abstrak | : | - |
BIROKRASI, KORUPSI, DAN PENGAWASAN
| Pengarang | : | Surnini, Th. |
| Nama Majalah/Jurnal | : | Bina Darma |
| Volume / Edisi | : | 11-42 (No. 42) |
| Halaman | : | 36-46 |
| Abstrak | : | - |
BIROKRASI DAN KEMSKINAN DI INDONESIA
| Pengarang | : | Rukmadi Warsito |
| Nama Majalah/Jurnal | : | Bina Darma |
| Volume / Edisi | : | 11-42 (No. 42) |
| Halaman | : | 27-35 |
| Abstrak | : | - |
BIROKRASI DAN AGENDA TRANSFORMASI SOSIAL-BUDAYA?
| Pengarang | : | - |
| Nama Majalah/Jurnal | : | Bina Darma |
| Volume / Edisi | : | 11-42 (No. 42) |
| Halaman | : | 19-26 |
| Abstrak | : | - |
BIROKRASI, FEODALISME DAN PENYELEWENGAN
| Pengarang | : | - |
| Nama Majalah/Jurnal | : | Bina Darma |
| Volume / Edisi | : | 11-42 (No. 42) |
| Halaman | : | 13-18 |
| Abstrak | : | - |
BIROKRASI DAN KEKUASAAN
| Pengarang | : | Bambang S. Sulasmono |
| Nama Majalah/Jurnal | : | Bina Darma |
| Volume / Edisi | : | 11-42 (No. 42) |
| Halaman | : | 5-12 |
| Abstrak | : | - |
Prabowo’s first 100 days and beyond as president : a security-focused economic agenda
| Pengarang | : | - |
| Nama Majalah/Jurnal | : | Bies: Bulletin of Indonesian Economic Studies |
| Volume / Edisi | : | 61 (No. 1) |
| Halaman | : | 3–37 |
| Abstrak | : | This survey assesses Indonesia’s economic performance during President Prabowo Subianto’s first 100 days in office, highlighting his security-leaning economic programs amid rising geopolitical tension and a looming global trade war. This is reflected in his costly and challenging food and fuel security programs. To appease all political parties supporting his presidential election, an enlarged cabinet of 48 ministers and an unusually high 56 vice-ministers was formed. Below-expected consumer demand, declining commodity prices, continued high interest rates and a weakening currency kept the 2024 economic growth rate at around 5.0%, which is expected to extend into 2025. Sectoral performance was mixed, with the automotive sector slowly recovering, but results remaining below pre-Covid levels. Coal prices declined from their peak on 26 September 2022, but the coal sector held up well, with production increasing to 812 million tonnes in 2024, close to pre-Covid levels. Rice production dropped early last year, driving rice prices to an all-time high and necessitating substantial imports to bring down prices by year-end. Looking ahead, rising expenditures covering the president’s campaign promises are straining the budget. Meanwhile, revenue targets will be hard to meet given that the scope of this year’s value-added tax hike has been narrowed to include only luxury consumer goods, following strong public opposition. To maintain the budget deficit, a massive budget reallocation was imposed. |
Health and extractive resources : a research note based on evidence from Indonesian districts
| Pengarang | : | - |
| Nama Majalah/Jurnal | : | Bies: Bulletin of Indonesian Economic Studies |
| Volume / Edisi | : | 60 (No. 3) |
| Halaman | : | 347–367 |
| Abstrak | : | Most empirical studies on extractive resources examine their effects at the macro level and focus on economic and institutional outcomes. We perform a subnational analysis of the relationship between mineral resource dependence and health measures at the district level in Indonesia, using annual panel data from 2010 to 2020. Fixedeffect models suggest that households in mineral-dependent districts face a higher morbidity risk than households in non-dependant districts. There is no evidence of improved health services for mineral-dependent districts in the form of either higher child immunisation rates or professional birth assistance. We document economic mechanisms by examining employment and expenditure patterns, contextualizing our findings within the debate on whether natural resources are a blessing or curse. |
Money velocity, digital currency and inflation dynamics in Indonesia
| Pengarang | : | - |
| Nama Majalah/Jurnal | : | Bies: Bulletin of Indonesian Economic Studies |
| Volume / Edisi | : | 60 (No. 3) |
| Halaman | : | 305–345 |
| Abstrak | : | This paper empirically investigates the impact of transaction–cost-induced variations in the velocity of money on inflation dynamics in Indonesia, using a structural New Keynesian Phillips curve incorporating an explicit money-velocity term. The effect of money velocity arises from the role of money, both physical and digital, in reducing aggregate transaction costs and facilitating the purchase of goods and services. We find a non-trivial aggregate impact on the Indonesian economy: our benchmark estimates suggest that a 10% decrease in money velocity due to the issuance of a new digital currency (for example, a central bank digital currency [CBDC]), would reduce the inflation rate by 0.6%–1.7%, all else being equal. We show that shocks to the velocity of money are an important driver of aggregate fluctuations by incorporating these estimates into a small-scale New Keynesian dynamic stochastic general equilibrium model calibrated to the Indonesian economy. The model’s simulation shows that a CBDC issuance equivalent to about 5% of nominal GDP in Indonesia in 2023 would permanently increase real GDP by almost 1% and lower the inflation rate by nearly 1%. Both nominal and real interest rates would also be permanently lower. Our findings suggest that central banks could use CBDCs as an additional tool for stabilisation policy by influencing money velocity. |
Indonesian politics in 2024 : Indonesia on the edge of competitive uthoritarianism
| Pengarang | : | - |
| Nama Majalah/Jurnal | : | Bies: Bulletin of Indonesian Economic Studies |
| Volume / Edisi | : | 60 (No. 3) |
| Halaman | : | 283-304 |
| Abstrak | : | For the past decade, there has been a growing consensus that Indonesia’s democracy is in decline, but there was also agreement that elections remained mostly free, fair and competitive. This article re-examines Indonesia’s democratic trajectory in light of the 2024 elections and the presidential victory of Prabowo Subianto. We draw on the events of 2024 to show that there were clear and systematic attempts by President Joko Widodo and his allies to clear pathways to victory for political allies and thwart political opponents. These new attacks on fair electoral competition, we argue, have brought Indonesia to the edge of competitive authoritarianism, a system characterised by the coexistence of meaningful democratic institutions alongside serious incumbent abuse, yielding electoral competition that is real but unfair. We explain how and why Widodo brought Indonesia to this new political phase and reflect on what President Prabowo might do with the weak institutions he inherits. |