| Nama Pengarang | : | - |
| Nama Majalah/Jurnal | : | The World Bank Economic Review |
| Volume / Nomor Edisi | : | - |
| Nomor Halaman | : | 159-187 |
| Abstraksi Narasi | : | Nigeria has experienced high fertility and rapid population growth for at least the past thirty years. Only recently have public authorized launched efforts to promote contraceptive use. In this article, individual women are linked to the characteristics of the nearest health facility, pharmacy, and source of family planning to assess the relative importance of women`s socioeconomic background and the characteristics of nearby services on contraceptive use. The results suggest that the limited levels of female schooling (and probably other factors affecting women`s opportunity cost of time) are constraining contraceptive use, especially in rural areas. Another major costraint to increased contraceptive use is the low availability of family planning services in Nigeria. Broader availability of the pil and other methods in pharmacies and of injectables and intrauterine deviced (IUDs) in health facilities is likely to raise contraceptive use. Outpatient or consultation fees at nearby health facilities do not appear to be constraining demand for modern contraceptive methods. |
| Nama Pengarang | : | - |
| Nama Majalah/Jurnal | : | The World Bank Economic Review |
| Volume / Nomor Edisi | : | - |
| Nomor Halaman | : | 549-569 |
| Abstraksi Narasi | : | The dispute between developed and developing countries over the inclusion of services in the Uruguay Round of trade negotiations reflects critical differences in perpective on substantive issues. In particular, these substantive divisions arise from the differences between services and goods in matters such as regulation and the requirement in many instances of freedom to move productive factors across national boundaries-for example, the "right to establish" that would permit the provider of service to get to the user. In addition, developing countries see the developed countries as seeking concessions on service trade in exchange for removal of the latter`s existing and potential barriers on trade in goods, rather than establising quid pro quos within the service compact itself. Developing countries have possible eksport advantages in the service sector and have much to gain by joining actively in negotiating a services compact that permits them to exploit these advantages. |
| Nama Pengarang | : | - |
| Nama Majalah/Jurnal | : | The World Bank Economic Review |
| Volume / Nomor Edisi | : | - |
| Nomor Halaman | : | 619-646 |
| Abstraksi Narasi | : | Because developing countries generally have comparative advantage in the production of labor-intensive textiles and clothing, the liberalization of trade in these products is critical to their prospect for increasing foreign exchange earnings. The new round of trade negotiations is likely to be less important for trade in textiles and clothing, however, than were the recent renegotiations of the fourth Multifibre Arrangement (MFA). As the MFA reamins in effect until July 1991, this limits the range of measures which can be altered in the interim. Nonetheless, textile trade ill influence the process and outcome of the current negotiations because of the overlap of textile trade disputes with other boarder trade issues. These include tariffs, the rollback of tarrifs and quotas, voluntary export restraints, and other nontariffs bariers, all of which have been applied to textiles trade at various times. Each of these measures has an influence on trade flows and a cost to both the importing and exporting countries. Any proponents of liberalizations of trade in textiles and clothing must not only be familiar with these costs but also must be knowledgeable about the economic and political forces which have initiated and sustained the protective measures. The following discussion suggests that there are groups and transitional approaches which may favor some progress in textile trade liberalization in the current round of negotiations. |
| Nama Pengarang | : | - |
| Nama Majalah/Jurnal | : | The World Bank Economic Review |
| Volume / Nomor Edisi | : | - |
| Nomor Halaman | : | 707-725 |
| Abstraksi Narasi | : | The range and number of cases of administered protection in the 1980s suggests that it has begun to play an important role in shaping international trade flows. As most of such cases are bought by the United States againts developing country exporters, they are also a matter of concern for developing countries in the Uruguay Round of trade negotiations. The internationally negotiated code on subsidies and countervailing duties is ambiguous in its definitions of "legal" subsidies, and thus in the appropriate use of countervailing duties. Because the code is applied at the national level, there is considerable presure by domestic producers on administering agents to increase the use of such protective measures through the adoption of provisional measures while the investigation is being conducted, and through the interpretation of criteria for coverage. Given that the most successful developing countries have been those which adopt the most neutral policies toward imported and domestic goods, and between sectors domestically, the very biased application of the subsidies and the trade policy distortions common in the countries examined, together with the frequency of countervailing actions against the subsidies, suggest that developing countries would benefit from abandonment of the subsidies. |
| Nama Pengarang | : | - |
| Nama Majalah/Jurnal | : | The World Bank Economic Review |
| Volume / Nomor Edisi | : | - |
| Nomor Halaman | : | 689-705 |
| Abstraksi Narasi | : | Exports from developing countries are frequently the targets of trade protection to offset injury to domestic producers. A safeguard clause of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), Article XIX, authorizes such protection, but Voluntary Export Restrains (VERS), which are not authorized or controlled by GATT, are often used in its place. A call for a "comprehensive agreement on safeguards" was one outcome of the 1986 Punta del Este ministerial meeting. The spread of VERS is often taken to be a threat to the interests of developing countries. The cost of VERS to developing country exporters may have been overestimated, however, and as a consequences, developing countries may be at risk of conceding too much, perhaps in terms of a relaxation of the conditions of application of Article XIX, in an attempt to ban or directly control VERS. The central issue is the extent to which VERS are adopted to avoid invocation of Article XIX. If so, there is no valid case for developing countries to pay anything for a ban on VERS. A better course for them would be to press for more rigor in GATT articles used as threat, which would enhance their bargaining position in setting the conditions for VERS. |
| Nama Pengarang | : | - |
| Nama Majalah/Jurnal | : | The World Bank Economic Review |
| Volume / Nomor Edisi | : | - |
| Nomor Halaman | : | 595-618 |
| Abstraksi Narasi | : | Deskripsi abstrak ringkas tidak tersedia untuk artikel ini. |
| Nama Pengarang | : | - |
| Nama Majalah/Jurnal | : | The World Bank Economic Review |
| Volume / Nomor Edisi | : | - |
| Nomor Halaman | : | 727-743 |
| Abstraksi Narasi | : | This article reviews the provisions regarding export-promoting subsidies in the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and in the GATT Subsidies Code and summarizes data on the use of countervailing duties adopted to offset such subsidies. The nature of the subsidies that heve been countervailed by the United States, the most frequent user of such duties, is also analyzed, along with the effect of the duties, classified by target country and industry. It becomes evident that the developing countries have most often been the target of such measures, and the implications for trade policies in these countries are discussed. It is concluded that import liberalization with currency adjustment is preferable to trade protection offset by export subsidies, which are frequently then the target of countervailing duties. Rules on domestic subsidies, about which there is less clarity in the GATT, must be establised, and the distinction between subsidies and shifts in comparative advantage must also be clarified in the GATT law. These are issues which can be advantageously addressed by developing countries in the current multilateral trade negotiations. |
| Nama Pengarang | : | - |
| Nama Majalah/Jurnal | : | The World Bank Economic Review |
| Volume / Nomor Edisi | : | - |
| Nomor Halaman | : | 647-668 |
| Abstraksi Narasi | : | This article argues that "differential and more favourable treatment" of developing countries in the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) has been a logical consequence of their own inward-looking policies and the GATT`s implisit mercantilism, the latter implying that liberalization, being costly, should not be demanded of relatively poor countries. Time has, however, reduced both the appeal of the protectionist model of development and the willingness of developed countries to accord differential treatment. The upshot has been pressure on more advanced developing countries to "graduate" and a growing literature recommending fuller and more equal partisipation of developing countries in the GATT. The case for fuller and more equal participation is not self-evident. It needs to be assessed on its merits in terms of the prospects for improved market access aboard and more efficient policy at home. The analysis indicates that the potential benefits should be not oversold. On balance, however, the most advanced developing countries would probably gain from active and more equal participation in both GATT and the multirateral trade negotiations while the remaining developing countries would benefit from graduation by the more advanced. |
| Nama Pengarang | : | - |
| Nama Majalah/Jurnal | : | The World Bank Economic Review |
| Volume / Nomor Edisi | : | - |
| Nomor Halaman | : | 669-688 |
| Abstraksi Narasi | : | Little Attention has been paid to the balance of payments provisions of the Geneal Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), despite the fact that they directy influence the trade policies of the developing countries. This article suggests that there is a need to reconsider these provisions in the context of ongoing Uruguay Round of multirateral trade negotiations. The article traces the historical evolution of GATT practices on trade restrictions for balance of payments purposes. With the general introduction of more flexible exchange rate arrangements, The original rationale for temporary barriers to safeguard a country`s external financial position appears to have lost its force. Recent theoretical and empirical work has demonstrates that neutral or export promoting trade strategies are more effective for development than the import substitution frequently advocated by economists in the 1950s and 1960s. The current debt problems of developing countries strengthen the argument for a relatively open trade and payments regime to attain balance of payments viability. The article suggests that stronger international discipline over trade restrictions for balance of payments purposes would contribute to and presuppose other necessary improvements in the multilateral trading system which are already on the agenda of the Uruguay round. |
| Nama Pengarang | : | Alberto Valdes, Shailendra J. Anjaria, Wolf, Martin, Chong-Hyun Nam, Surakiart Sathirathai, Ammar Siamwalla, Brian Hindley, J. Michael Finger, Julio Nogues, Vincent Cable, Jagdish N. Bhagwati |
| Nama Majalah/Jurnal | : | The World Bank Economic Review |
| Volume / Nomor Edisi | : | - |
| Nomor Halaman | : | 571-593 |
| Abstraksi Narasi | : | Agriculture has been favored and protected in developed countries while trade policies in developing countries frequently support industry at the expense of exportables and unprotected importables in agriculture. This protection constrains expansion of temperate and subtropical agriculture exports from developing countries. Several studies have estimate the effects of liberalization of trade restrictions on world prices, export earnings, and import costs. While developing countries generally would benefit from having the agricultural policies of the most powerful countries bound by international rules on trade, there are differences among the developing countries as to which products should be liberatized. Even if such conflicts did not exist, politically feasible means to obtain such compliance are elusive. The potentially most feasible approaches for developing countries to obtain some measure of liberalization in the Uruguay Round of trade negotiations are discussed. |
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